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In a recent post for Biblical Archeology Review, I describe the famous, second-century inscription on the gravestone of Abercius, a Phrygian Christian who died around 190 C. E. Since most online translations seemed dated, I included a fresh translation of the epigram, copied below for public access and use. A citizen of an elect city, I constructed this tombstone while still alive, so that I might have a notable resting place for my body here. I am Abercius, a disciple of the holy shepherd, who pastures his sheep on the mountains and plains, and who has great eyes that see everything. For he himself taught me trustworthy texts. He sent me to Rome to behold the royal city, to see a queen with golden robes and golden sandals. I saw there a people having a shining seal. And I saw the land of Syria and all its cities, including Nisibis beyond the Euphrates. Everywhere I had fellow brothers, and Paul accompanied me in my wagon. Faith led me everywhere, and everywhere it provided me fish from a great, pure spring. A virgin caught the fish and gave it to friends to always eat, along with good wine mixed with bread. Abercius stood and dictated these things to be inscribed. I lived 72 years, indeed. May those who understand and approve these words pray for Abercius. No one shall place another body in my tomb. But if someone does, he shall deposit 2,000 gold coins into the Roman treasury and 1,000 gold coins into my good hometown of Hierapolis. For more about the inscription and tombstone, including its amazing discovery, visit https://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/biblical-artifacts/inscriptions/tombstone-of-abercius/. The fragments of Abercius' original tombstone, in the Museo Pio Cristiano in Rome. Photo by Fabrizio Garrisi, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons.

Do you want to visit the biblical sites in Greece…and lead your own tour to Greece? Join me for this discounted tour of the Biblical sites in Greece, March 21–29, 2027. We will travel to all of the ancient sites associated with Paul’s journeys in Greece—including the magnificent cities of Phillipi, Thessalonica, Athens, and Corinth. Additionally, we will visit other historical sites along the way, such as the famous Delphic Oracle and the surreal monastic community at Meteora. Along the way, we will enjoy Greek food and culture with James Nikolopoulos, a local pastor and experienced tour guide. This Familiarization Trip is discounted for teachers and professors, so they can consider how the many ways that Biblical tours can enrich students’ and parishioners’ understanding of the scriptures and enhance their spiritual development. The trip is designed to help you lead a future tour to great. All the details and full itinerary are at: https://tutku.travel/tour/greece-fam-trip-27grfam

Jason Borges (Ph.D., Durham University) works at the Asia Minor Research Center in Turkey, researching and teaching early Christianity. His latest book, Christian Life in the Greco-Roman City (Baker Academic, 2026), examines how the ancient city shaped the lives and theology of early Christians. A sample of Chapters 1 and 2 can be downloaded here, and this post is an excerpt. Most English translations of the New Testament render the Greek word agora as “marketplace.” While this translation is not incorrect, it is misleading. In ancient Mediterranean cities, the agora was a central town square surrounded by covered porticos. This was not some shopping area but rather a forum for judicial courts. In the public space, honor was contested, shame imposed, and status negotiated. The term agora originally designated the urban space where Greek citizens assembled to govern. Given the legal proceedings conducted there, agora and its derivatives came to refer to a place of judicial assembly (cf. Acts 19:38). In the Roman era, the town square was the central civic space for the exercise of government and justice. Thus, the Oxford Classical Dictionary defines agora as “an area where people gather together, most particularly for the political functions of the polis.” Yes, buying and selling did happen in the agora, but it was foremost a judicial space where people evaluated and conferred social status. Remains of the agora in Athens In ancient societies, reputation was not formed in private. Identity must be recognized by others and confirmed in public space. For this reason, accusations, judgments, and approvals occurred in a highly visible space, such as the agora. Roman magistrates held court there, civic leaders addressed the populace there, and crowds gathered there to observe and participate in moments of public reckoning. This social reality helps us interpret the book of Acts. When Acts situates conflict in the agora, it is not merely noting where events happened, as if the agora is a passive backdrop. Rather, the civic setting is drawing readers into scenes of public scrutiny and evaluation. In Acts 16–18, Paul appears in the agoras of Philippi, Thessalonica, Athens, and Corinth. In each case, he and his associates are publicly accused. These charges function not only as legal claims but also as honor challenges, hence their public nature. Paul is being positioned as socially dangerous and morally suspect before the watching city. The crowds anticipate the outcome of public shame: punishment, exclusion, or silencing. Yet Acts consistently narrates a reversal. God’s people are released and vindicated. In Philippi, magistrates who publicly beat Paul later apologize and release him. In Thessalonica, civic leaders impose only a minimal penalty before allowing the believers to go free. In Athens, Paul is evaluated by elite authorities yet departs without condemnation and gains adherents. In Corinth, the Roman proconsul refuses to judge the case at all, while the accusers are beaten in full public view. In Acts, the agora setting becomes the place where human judgment is exposed and divine vindication is revealed. These outcomes are not incidental. Acts presents the agora as a theological space where competing systems of judgment intersect. Roman officials, civic councils, and crowds claim the right to evaluate and condemn. Yet their authority is limited because a higher (divine) court has ultimate jurisdiction. The agora-based narratives in Acts convey Luke’s theology: God is the ultimate and just judge who vindicates his people. Within the narrative of Luke-Acts, ultimate authority belongs to the risen and ascended Christ. Though not physically present in the agora, Christ functions as the true judge. His own vindication from a Roman death sentence guarantees the vindication of his people. Public accusations may occur, but they do not have the final word upon God’s people. Reading Acts while understanding the agora clarifies the stakes of these scenes. Paul is not simply “engaging the marketplace.” He is standing trial in a symbolically charged public court. Acts invites readers to observe these proceedings in the agora and to recognize where true authority lies—the reigning emperor, or the risen Messiah?

Jason Borges (Ph.D., Durham University) works at the Asia Minor Research Center in Turkey, researching and teaching early Christianity. His latest book, Christian Life in the Greco-Roman City  (Baker Academic, 2026), examines how the ancient city shaped the lives and theology of early Christians. A sample of Chapters 1 and 2 can be downloaded here , and this post is an excerpt.   When people visit archaeological sites in the Greco-Roman world, they notice the magnificent, enormous buildings. The architecture is awe-inspiring. Consider the Parthenon in Athens, the Colosseum in Rome, or the theater in Ephesus—massive buildings that remain standing to this day. Nearly every city in the ancient Mediterranean had an array of large civic structures—agoras, temples, baths, theaters, stadiums, prisons, etc. Roman historian Stephen Mitchell notes, “The cities of the Roman Empire were defined and characterized by their public buildings.”   Why did the Greeks and Romans build such magnificent structures?  What caused people to invest tremendous resources into the construction of civic buildings? The answer to that question is simple: honor and power.   The driving force behind Roman monumental architecture was honor, the public recognition of a person’s worth. Romans lived for glory. They craved fame. The quest for status lit their fire in life. A common way to gain honor in Greco-Roman culture was through benefaction. The rich sponsored public projects, and the communities that benefited esteemed the benefactor with honorary titles and public statues. By financing a public building, wealthy people converted their money into recognition and honor.   Monumental building projects bestowed “eternal renown and glory” on the benefactor (Pliny the Younger, Ep . 41.1). The most majestic monuments evoked a level of awe and admiration associated with the gods. The exceptional buildings seemed to defy nature and reflect superhuman powers; thus, they evoked divine-like honors for the benefactor.   The benefactor’s fame would live forever, both in memory and on the front of the building. Roman structures featured prominent dedicatory inscriptions announcing who had built them. Carved into stone for perpetuity, the text ensured that future generations (including modern archaeologists!) would know the benefactor’s name and munificence.   An example of monumental architecture—gates built by patrons in Ephesus for Cesar Augustus. Monumental buildings also legitimized the rule of political leaders. Civic architecture bolstered Rome’s imperial claims, as the buildings projected power. For Roman emperors, the structures declared, in no uncertain terms, “Our buildings are large, and we’re in charge!” Monumental civic architecture communicated honor and power. This social reality was the setting in which Jesus’ first followers lived and ministered.   Early Christianity was more than theological ideas about justification by faith or eternal life. Christians were real people in real places doing real things. The earliest believers worked in agoras, washed in baths, and sat in prisons. Because these cultural values and public moments were normative in the first century, they formed the everyday social context of early Christians (even for Jesus and his Jewish followers in rural Palestine!).   Christian Life in the Greco-Roman City  explores how these seven key civic structures in Roman cities—i.e., agoras, temples, baths, prisons, theaters, libraries, and cemeteries — shaped the lives, writings, and theology of early Christians. The architectural and social background helps modern readers better understand the New Testament. As David deSilva states in the Foreword, “The more fully we can hear these texts from within that context, the more fully we can appreciate what their authors were seeking to accomplish in the lives of Christian disciples.”

The deadline for applications to both the Research Fellowship and Biblical Field Studies program is February 15. For more details, visit the respective webpages (links below). Also, please share with others who may be interested. The Research Fellowship is for biblical scholars to visit and research in Turkey. The fellowship grant is available for doctoral students and early-career scholars. The cash grant is for $4,000 plus airfare. This amount is designed to facilitate 6-8 weeks of research towards specific, academic research in Turkey/Asia Minor. The Biblical Field Studies are funded study trips to biblical sites in Turkey for Bible scholars and professors working in the Majority World. This year's trip (June 12–20) starts in Antalya on the Mediterranean Sea, visits the Seven Churches of Revelation, and then finishes in Nicaea and Istanbul.

The Martyrdom of Polycarp was written to Christians in Philomelium (modern Akşehır), a city in Phrygia. Scholarship has overlooked or diminished the importance and role of the Philomelium. My recent article in Vigilae Christianae, " The City of Philomelium and the Occasion of the Martyrdom of Polycarp " (2025), brings together material and literary evidence that indicates Philomelium was a prominent Hellenistic-era settlement and Roman conventus city located on the main transanatolian route of communication. Based on Philomelium’s stature and connectivity, I propose that Christians in the city received an initial version of Polycarp’s martyrdom because of their pre-existing connections with Christians in Smyrna. The article is available at: https://www.academia.edu/144058234/The_City_of_Philomelium_and_the_Occasion_of_the_Martyrdom_of_Polycarp . For the full article, you can email me. Also, this previous post has maps showing Philomelium location on the Roman road network: https://www.biblicalturkey.org/post/philomelium-on-the-roman-road-network

Biblical Field Studies are funded study trips to biblical sites in Turkey for Bible scholars and teachers in the Majority World. The program is designed to equip Christian teachers and professors who work in the Majority World by introducing them to the geographical, historical, and social contexts of early Christianity. Biblical Field Studies are organized and funded by the Asia Minor Research Center and led by Dr. Jason Borges. For the 2025 Biblical Field Studies tour, we had a wonderful time learning and celebrating the 1,700-year anniversary of the First Ecumenical Council with 15 scholars from around the world. The upcoming 2026 Biblical Field Studies offers an even more complete itinerary. June 12–Arrival in Antalya; welcome dinner. June 13–Visit Perge and Attalea.  June 14–Drive to Lycus Valley; visit Colossae and Laodicea.  June 15–Morning visit to Hierapolis, then stops in Philadelphia and Sardis. June 16–All day in Ephesus, at the ancient site and St. John's Basilica, then the Smyrna agora. June 17–Morning in Pergamon, then drive to Nicaea (Iznik) June 18–Visit Nicaea, then drive to Constantinople (Istanbul). June 19–Visit the top sites in Istanbul, including Hagia Sophia and Hagia Irene; dinner celebration. June 20–departure from Istanbul.  For more information and the application form, visit https://www.biblicalturkey.org/biblicalfieldstudies . To help us spread the world, please share this post with biblical scholars and institutions in the Majority World.

The Cilician plain in southeast Turkey is a fertile strip of land that frames the northeast corner of the Mediterranean Sea. In the past, the region was an important transition zone because it connected Anatolia (modern Turkey) and Syria (modern Arabian Peninsula). In the winter, when the Mediterranean was closed to sea travel, the only land route from Mesopotamia in the east to Greece and Rome in the west ran through Cilicia. This gave the area strategic importance for empires throughout the times of the Ptolemies and Seleucids, the Romans and Persians, and the Byzantines and Arabs.   The triangular strip of land is hemmed by the Mediterranean in the south, the Taurus Mountains in the north, and the Amanus Mountains in the east. Thus, there is a limited number of mountain passes for entering and exiting the Cilician Plain. These are typically called “gates” (Greek pylae ). A fortified position akin to ancient city gates was constructed at the passes, plus the natural terrain resembled a set of gates with two peaks on each side. This article identifies the five main gates accessing the Cilician Plain. Map of Cilicia and its 5 gates 1. Cilician Gates   The most famous gates are the Cilician Gates (Gülek Boğazı), a mountain pass connecting the Cilician plain to the Anatolian plateau. They are located some 40 kilometers north of Tarsus and 5 kilometers south of Akçatekir along the modern expressway, here on Google Maps . A previous post provides a detailed description and history of the Cilician Gates: https://www.biblicalturkey.org/post/the-cilician-gates-history-and-geography   Cilician Gates 2. (Lower) Cilician Gates   This second set of “Cilician Gates” forms the southern entrance into Cilicia. It is located in Sariseki, 5 kilometers north of Iskenderun, where the Amanus Mountains descend directly into the sea, thus funneling traffic along the coast. In Roman times, this pass (and not the Syrian Gates) formed the border between the regions of Cilicia and Syria.   Part of the gates remain along the coast. On Google Maps , this is referred to as Jonah’s Pillar (Yunus Sütunu) because of the local tradition that the prophet Jonah beached here after being spewed from the whale. To access the structure, you stop and park along the coastal road (D817, not the main expressway) adjacent to Jonah’s Pillar, then scurry up the embankment. A modern railroad line prevents you from accessing the monument directly, but you can see it from 50 feet (15 meters) away. The remains appear to be the western half of the gate complex, as a course of visible stones below reveals the previous existence of a Roman road. The eastern tower was leveled to make the railroad tract. "Jonah's Pillar," the west half of the (lower) Cilician Gates The second structure at the (lower) Cilician Gates is the Ancient Sariseki Castle (Antik Sariseki Kalesi on Google Maps ). The site shows some archaeological evidence from the Hellenistic and Roman eras, perhaps as an outpost or watchtower. It was developed into a full castle in the Byzantine and Crusader eras when a key defensive structure was needed here. The Arabic inscription above the entrance tower attributes the construction to Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent in 1546.  front to Sariseki Castle To reach the castle, you must be traveling northbound on the D817 and turn right off the road. Do not take the first asphalt path to your right, but continue past the abandoned buildings. The road curves right and ascends straight to the castle. entrance to Sariseki Castle  3. Amanian Gates ( Amanikai Pylai )   The Amanian Gates (Turkish Bahçe Geçiti) was a strategic mountain pass on the eastern end of the Cilician plain through the Amanus Mountains (modern Nur Dağları) into northern Syria. It is just west of modern Bahçe, Osmaniye, here on Google Maps . The ancient pass was narrow and easily defensible, making it vital for controlling access into Cilicia from the south. In Roman and Byzantine times, fortifications and waystations guarded the passage. Today, the modern tunnel and railway follow the corridor. To my knowledge, there are no ancient remains.   4. Cilician-Amanian Gates ( Amanikai Pulai/Ciliciae Portae )   Yes, the names get confusing! These gates are not located at the border of Cilicia, but they are in the middle of Cilicia. They are near the Toros Asphalt plant, which is 5 km south of Sarımazı, Ceyhan/Adana, here on Google Maps . The GPS coordinates are 36°55'15"N, 35°57'59"E. To access the site, turn west at this location , which is opposite the main entrance into the Toras factory and marked by a brown sign that says “ADSIZ HABERLERI” (Nameless Ruins). After 500 meters, the road leads through a tunnel under the highway. You can drive through the tunnel in a smaller car. The gates themselves are 500 meters past the tunnel on that dirt road. Both towers are well preserved, with remains of the original road surface between them. The gates consist of rock and mortar construction with a black-basalt facing. Cilician-Amanian Gates, looking northwest Cilician-Amanian Gates, looking southeast   5. Syrian Gates (Syriai Pylai)   The Syrian Gates (Belen Pass) are technically not in Cilicia or at its border, but they are famous and close enough to Cilicia to deserve a mention. They are located on the southeast edge of Halilbey, Belen, here on Google Maps . The pass can be confusing because the modern D817 highway continues to climb after the pass. However, you can see where the ancient route would have continued directly south into the valley below, likely along one of the current village roads. To my knowledge, there are no archaeological remains at the Syrian Gates.

In the first century BCE, the Romans began constructing public baths in Rome and throughout the Italian peninsula. These spread quickly and became a symbol of Roman culture. By the second century CE, Roman bath complexes were present throughout Mediterranean towns from Britain to Arabia. To consider the expansion of Roman baths during this 200-year period, this post identifies the Roman baths known in Asia Minor (modern Turkey) from the first century CE. For each bath that can be dated to the first century CE, we offer a brief description, evidence for its date, and the main publication(s).   Assos, Troas (before 2 BCE) In the 1880s, American excavators at Assos found a series of bathing rooms in front of the south stoa below the main Hellenistic agora. A broken inscription near the door records: “Lollia Antiochis, the wife of Quintus Lollius Philetairos, cultic queen according to ancestral customs, and first among women, dedicated the bath and its annexes to Aphrodite Iulia and the people.” The inscription honors Augustus’ imperial family as descendants of the divine Aphrodite, implying the bath complex was part of the imperial cult. Julia the Elder, the daughter of Augustus and wife of Agrippa, was disgraced and exiled in 2 BCE, so any public dedication honoring her must predate that event. Augustus consolidated power by 15 BCE, so the bath dates to around 10 BCE. In that case, the medium-sized Roman bath in Assos would be the oldest one in Anatolia. Source: R. Merkelbach, Die Inschriften von Assos  (Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien 4) (Bonn, 1976), 36–41; see also the MFA museum webpage .   Kyme, Aeolis (before 14 CE)   An honorary inscription (IGR 4.1302=   I.Kyme 19= SEG 27.791, here ) from the town of Kyme (30 km north of Izmir, here ) mentioned that the honorand named Lucius Vaccius Labeo built a bath ( balaneion ) in the gymnasium for the youth of the city. The inscription dates after 2 BCE (because it refers to Augustus as theos ) and before 14 CE (because it mentions the priest Polemon II, who was high priest until Tiberius). Thus, the bath complex dates to the Augustan period. Its physical remains have not been discovered, but the inscription confirms its existence in the early first century CE.   Sagalassos, Pisidia (10–30 CE) Below the Imperial Baths dated to Hadrian’s reign (117–34 CE), archaeologists discovered the Old Baths in 2010. The complex measures 32.5 by 50 meters, with walls 12 meters tall. Based on coins and ceramics, the Old Bath dates to 10–30 CE. A century later, it was incorporated into the much larger Imperial Baths. Given this date, the baths at Sagalassos, a city far from the coast and other leading cities, represent an early surviving Roman bath complex in Asia. Source: For a 2010 press release, see here ; the Old Bath was first documented in the excavation reports from the 2008/9 (2011: 268) and 2010 (2011:241) seasons, edited by Waelkens. To my knowledge, the Old Bath has not yet been fully published.   Pergamon, Aeolis (early 1C) The West Baths of Pergamon, located on the west end of the upper gymnasium, are generally dated to the late 1C BCE–early 1C CE, so they are also called the Augustan Baths. This date is based on the archaeological stratigraphy and general style compared to other Augustan baths. The complex directly overlays the Hellenistic gymnasium, suggesting it was built shortly after the older structures. Sources: The original information is in German archaeology reports from the early 1900s; for more recent information, see Monika Trümper, “ Modernization and Change of Function of Hellenistic Gymnasia in Roman Imperial Times, ” in Das kaiserzeitliche Gymnasion  (deGruyter, 2015): 167–221, esp. 190–91.   Miletus, Caria (41–54 CE) Southeast of the Lion Harbor, behind the Delphinion, lies the Baths of Capito. From the main street and through the Ionic stoa, visitors first entered a courtyard ( palaestra ) with a pool ( natation ), measuring 40 x 38 meters. Behind the courtyard were the heated rooms in a symmetrical layout. The changing room, warm room, and hot room lay on the main axis with ancillary rooms off the side. Reservoirs with stored water fed the rooms through pipes, at least until an aqueduct was built in 79/80 CE. A dedicatory inscription on the stoa’s entablature states the baths were commissioned by Cnaeus Vergilus Capito, the Roman prefect of Asia under Emperor Claudius (41–54). This fixes the date to the mid-first century CE.   Another Roman bath complex stands on Humeitepe (the hill east of Lion’s Harbor). Based on the architectural style, archaeologists offer a tentative date of 80–140 CE. The complex was probably constructed after the new aqueduct and city water system in 80 CE, yet before the Baths of Faustina, conventionally dated to her visit in 164 CE. Thus, there is a small chance the baths at Humeitepe date to the first century. Source: Ed. Philipp Niewohner, Miletus/Balat: A Guidebook (2016): 66–71.   Patara, Lycia (64 CE) On the northeast corner of the state agora was an early bath complex. Rather than the typical symmetrical layout, these baths have two (perhaps three) adjacent rooms. The date of the bath comes from an inscription engraved on the lintel of the door between the cold room and the warm room. The first four and a half lines of the inscription were scratched out after Nero’s name was condemned and removed, and the name Vespasian (r. 69–71) was recarved into the inscription. Fortunately, the original text remains legible. The text reads: “Nero Claudius … constructed the bathhouse from the foundations together with the additional ornaments in it and the pools through his legate, who completed and consecrated the works with the allots funds from the Lycian confederacy and city of Patara.” This occurred during Nero’s 11th tribunical power, which was from December 10, 63 CE to December 9, 64 CE. This provides firm evidence for the bath’s construction in 64 CE. Then, Vespasian built another bath in Patara in the 70s. Source: Mustafa Koçak, “The Nero Bath in Patara,” in Patara: City, Harbor, Cult (2019), 234–49; see also pataraexcavations.org .   Olympus, Lycia (60s CE) The “Great Baths” located south of the river featured an inscription. It states the local magistrate, T. Aurelius Quietus, oversaw the reconstruction of the bath complex, possibly financed by Vespasian. Because this was a reconstruction project, the original complex would predate the Flavians. Source: B. İplikçioğlu, ‘Zwei Statthalter vespasianischer Zeit und die “Große” Therme in Inschriften von Olympos (Lykien)’ Anzeiger der philosophisch-historischen Klasse der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 141 (2006): 75–81.   Oinoanda, Lycia (73 CE) An inscription found in 2011 under the previously identified bath complex dedicates the building to Vespasian and his sons, Titus and Domitian. The inscription itself does not name the building restored unto their honor, but its location suggests it was the bath complex in which it was found. Based on the title, the inscription was made in 73 CE. Source: N.P. Milner, “Building Roman Lycia: New Inscriptions and Monuments from the Baths and Peristyle Buildings Ml 1 and Ml 2 at Oinoanda,” Anatolian Studies 66 (2016): 91–124.   Colossae, Phrygia (late 1C?) In the 1990s, farmers plowing near ancient Colossae found a cylindrical funerary altar ( bomos ) referring to a bath in Colossae. The opening lines of its inscription read: “For good fortune for Korumbos the patriot . . . for the repair of the baths . . . and for the water channel . . . of the Kolossian people . . . on the  bomos  from their own resources, 1050  denarii. ” No bath complex has been found in Colossae, so this funerary inscription is our only evidence for reconstructing the date of the baths. Based on the shape of the letters, which is admittedly inexact, “the style of the inscription suggests a date of the late first to early second century” (Cadwallader, 164). However, the baths were constructed before this date, because the inscription was composed at Korumbos’ death, but he repaired the baths during his lifetime. Moreover, the fact that he repaired the baths implies they were already built. Thus, the baths at Colossae probably date to the late first century. Though it is conjectural, the repairs might have occurred after the earthquake that devastated nearby Laodicea in 61 CE, meaning Colossae had a bath in the mid-first century. Source: Cadwallader, “Honouring the Repairer of the Baths: A New Inscription from Kolossai,” Antichthon 46 (2012): 150-183.   Ephesus, Ionia (90s) Harbor Baths: Near the harbor north of Arcadiane Street, a massive bath complex was excavated in the late 1800s. (However, it is overgrown and not visitable.) The Harbor Baths contained a Greek gymnasium, a square peristyle courtyard 90 meters on each side. A space off the gymnasium, often called the “Marble Room” or “Imperial Hall,” contains numerous marble statues and an inscription dedicating the space to Domitian. Based on this, archaeologists conclude that construction of the baths at least began in the late first century CE, making it the earliest known baths in Ephesus.   Varius Baths: On the northern side of Curetes Street are the remains of the Varius Baths. Today, visitors can enter only the large changing room and entrance hall, as the heated rooms are blocked off. Only the ground floor of the three-story structure remains. The dedicatory inscription  says Publius Quintilius Valens Varius dedicated the baths to a Roman emperor whose name has not survived. The coins and ceramics date the baths to Trajan’s reign (98–117 CE) or that of Domitian (81–96), so the bath is generally dated to “around 100 CE.” A Christian benefactor named Scholastica reconstructed the Varius Baths in the fourth century. Source: Ed. Peter Scherrer, Ephesus: The New Guide  (2000): 120–1, 174–76.   Other Possible First-Century Baths Baths in other towns might also date to the first century. These are usually dated based on the masonry technique, which is not precise, but still worth a mention. Hierapolis, Phrygia – the bath that now functions as the museum, around 100 CE. Pisidian Antioch, Phrygia – at the northwest corner of the site, around 100 CE. Priene, Ionia – baths at the upper gymnasium, perhaps late first century CE. Sardis, Caria – the caldarium of the bath complex dates to the first century, but the rest is second century. Elaiussa Sebaste, Cilicia – a bath complex on the peninsula built under the Cappadocian king Archelaus (r. 36 BCE–17 CE) to honor Augustus.   Conclusions The spread of Roman baths into Asia Minor during the first century CE reflects rapid cultural change. Archaeological and inscriptional evidence indicates Roman-style baths were present in Anatolian cities by the Augustan period. These might not have been as large as the monumental second-century CE complexes, but they were public baths in the Roman style. The presence of baths in diverse cities—coastal and inland, prominent and provincial—shows the adoption of Roman bath architecture was not confined to major metropolises. The pattern suggests baths were even more abundant than the evidence shows. If Kyme and Sagalassos had baths in the early first century, and multiple Lycian cities had baths by 70 CE, larger cities like Ephesus and Smyrna probably had baths by the early or mid-first century as well. The problem is that many baths were renovated and expanded in the second century—restorations that removed evidence of earlier baths. The spread of Roman baths in first-century Anatolia raises an intriguing question for New Testament studies: If early Christianity spread through the urban centers of Anatolia at the same time, why does the New Testament contain no mention of baths or bathing practices?

Caesar Augustus constructed the Via Sebaste in 6 BCE in southern Anatolia. The route runs from Side in Pamphylia to Pisidian Antioch in Phrygia. The purpose of the road was to (1) facilitate military movement between his new Roman colonies and (2) hem in rebellious mountain communities. Paul and Barnabas likely took the Via Sebaste on their first missionary journey from Perge to Antioch (Acts 13).   Although the important colony of Pisidian Antioch was the terminal point of the Via Sebaste, a branch road continued eastward to Lystra and Iconium. This article describes the Roman road section from Antioch to Lystra, for people seeking to travel the route and explore extant remains along the Via Sebaste extension. Here is the route of the modern road  on Google Maps.  Map of Via Sebastia from Antioch to Lystra 1.   Pisidian Antioch Gate The monumental gate near the entrance of the site was built to honor Emperor Hadrian around 130 CE. In the first century, the entrance gate at the south end of the cardo street (30 meters up from Hadrian’s Gate) would have been the main access point to and from the city, thus functioning as the beginning of the route leading toward Lystra.   There are no road remains southeast of Antioch as you head toward Şarkikaraağaç. In this 25-km stretch through a fertile plain, the ancient tract might have run along the current road. Because Romans preferred to build roads above the valley floor, the road likely ran along the foothills east of the road (through the villages of Kuyucak, Kozluçay, Dedeçam, and Muratbağı, then south toward Şarkikaraağaç).   2.   Fele Remains Fele spring South of Şarkikaraağaç, the road ran through the mountain pass now known as Fele. At its south end, the Fele Testi Antik  store has a natural spring that ancient travelers would have used. Cut stones used to sit on the opposite (west) side of the street, but I could not find anything there, perhaps because of the newly built cafes. The road continues southward through the pass, along the modern road. 3. Kıyakdede Milestone The central mosque in the village of Kıyakdede has an Augustan milestone marking mile “XXX.” This was the ancient Pisidian city of Neopolis. The village had five milestones (probably moved to the central location by local farmers), but the other four were moved. After Neapolis, the Roman road continued south toward Kireli, then turned more eastward, away from the modern road that heads to Beyşehir. This route is derived from the trajectory of an ancient bridge in Görünmez that was destroyed in 1970. Going east from here, the modern road roughly follows the track of the ancient road going toward Yunuslar. 4. Selki Milestone In the small town of Selki, behind the central mosque, a Roman milestone is built into the concrete fence. Selki had two other milestones, but only this one remains. milestone in back fence of mosque in Selki 5. Yenidoğan Road A nice section of Roman roadbed remains 4 km northwest of Yenidoğan. On the north side of the road (37.890304078248185, 31.822819324790323), you will notice a parking area with trees and a spring. Park here, then walk eastward along the farm road through the valley. Remains of the ancient road are evident on the north side of the road. The road continues on the north side of the green fields as it continues toward Yunuslar. A smaller section of the Roman road also remains farther east (around 37.910067133218135, 31.86105367817209). Yenidogan Roman Road, looking west 6. Yunuslar Cemetery Just west of Yunuslar, an Ottoman/Turkish cemetery (at 37.90617389285599, 31.91374694377713) has ancient cut stones. I counted 11 short, oval pillars with a central band, perhaps from a late-antique church. The Roman road likely ran along the same farm road through the cemetery. Yunuslar was ancient Pappa/Tiberiopolis. The town has a nice Roman milestone and sarcophagus, but they are located in the yards of private homes. Yunuslar Cemetery 7. Yunuslar Bridge Two kilometers east of Yunuslar, a small yet well-preserved double-arch bridge stands over the creek (at 37.91155973815709, 31.941481464601964). The purpose of this bridge is hard to interpret. Because the Roman road was already north of the creek (through the Yunuslar cemetery), and it probably remained north of the creek going eastward through the ravine (since the Romans built roads on the sunny north side for winter weather), why does the bridge cross onto the south side? Perhaps it led to ancient Pappa/Tiberiopolis, but the bridge’s location here seems strange, for it is away from Pappa/Tiberiopolis and leads directly into the mountain range. Yunuslar bridge 8. Kiziloren Miscellanea The Roman road continued eastward toward Kiziloren but turned southward before reaching the modern town. On the west side of town is a Seljuk Caravansay ( Atılhan ), an unnamed tel 1 km to its south (37.86479183341775, 32.07086028881705), and some undatable ancient road carvings (in the rocky terrain around here 37.86197968236967, 32.09062129710974). These help confirm the ancient route. The road leading to Sefaköy has several natural springs, which are good indicators of the ancient road. We are unsure of where the ancient road forked to create a branch to Iconium (modern Konya). There are two options. One, the road forked at Kiziloren, with the road going straight east to Iconium. This is the route of the modern and medieval Seljuk road (based on caravansaries), which tend to follow the Roman route. Two, the road continued south to Erenkaya, where it forked, and the branch to Iconium followed the current D696 northeast. In terms of road construction, this would have been slightly shorter and easier, which was the Roman preference 9. Sefaköy Road South of Sefaköy village, a long section of Roman roadbed remains. To access it, drive along the dirt path from Sefaköy as far south as possible; the road ends at a spring (at 37.78463508067229, 32.1529133756098). From here, you continue on foot for another 2 kilometers. Over 100 meters of Roman road are evident on the plateau, as is obvious in satellite photos of the terrain. Here is the approximate midsection of the road: 37.778661213206036, 32.158637847980955. At the pass, we noticed several cut stones scattered about, suggesting a built monument once marked the road’s high point. About 100 meters south of the highest point was an undatable spring and cistern with an entrance built from cut stones. The ancient road continued directly south to modern Erenkaya, but the modern road takes a much different route. Sefakoy Roman road Sefakoy spring/cistern 10. Kilistra Road In the middle of Kilistra (now called Gökyurt), a section of Roman road was cut directly into the rock bed. As you approach the town from the north, it tees at the main junction (at 37.667054282848596, 32.21139984060808). At that point, the Roman road continued straight, ascending on the bedrock up to the bluff. The area along the road was quarried for stones, likely for other sections of the road. Roman roadbed in Kilistra 11. Lystra Mound The branch road ended at Lystra. Excavations at the tell began in 2025, and a new fence prohibits visitors from accessing the mound. Lystra Tel, looking east Bonus: If you continue on Paul and Barnabas’ route from Lystra to Derbe along the Roman road, see the article by Bob Wagner and Mark Wilson, “Why Derbe? An Unlikely Lycaonian City for Paul’s Ministry,”  Tyndale Bulletin  70 (2019): 55–84, available at https://www.tyndalebulletin.org/article/27712 .

The Mediterranean island of Cyprus was the first destination on Paul and Barnabas’ first missionary journey (Acts 13). They landed in Barnabas’ hometown of Salamis, the main port city on the east coast. After crossing the island, they departed from Paphos, the Roman-era capital on the west coast. This post details my three-day visit to the historical sites of Cyprus.   Salamis   Unlike Paul and Barnabas, I traveled by plane and car. Because I was coming from Turkey, I flew into northern Cyprus. At Ercan airport, I rented a car and drove one hour toward Salamis. (Both parts of the island drive on the left side, as the island was a British territory in the early 1900s.)   I first stopped at the St. Barnabas Monastery . The site no longer functions as a monastic complex. Its central church is an “icon museum” with about 100 icons from the late 1800s and early 1900s. Opposite the parking lot is the traditional burial chapel of Barnabas, built over a grotto. There are two other historical sites to visit near the St. Barnabas Monastery: Enkomi (a Bronze Age settlement) and Royal tombs (burial chambers of Iron Age elites). Because of time, I only drove past them.   Salamis is a large archaeological site, most of which is buried in sand and brush. Fortunately, the most impressive ruins are near the entrance. Most notable is the bath complex, one of the best preserved in the Roman world, with extant mosaics, frescos, statues, inscriptions, and even toilets. Nearby is the reconstructed theater. Beyond that is the ancient road and limited remains. A long path loops around the entire site and takes about two hours to walk. Of all the various remains beyond the main area, the most impressive is the Church of St. Epiphanius. The Byzantine basilica was built by the bishop of Salamis in the late 300s. He was buried in the southeast corner of the nave, making the church a popular pilgrimage destination into the medieval period. Several signs provide a good explanation of the basilica church. Just beyond the church is a Byzantine cistern and a large agora (a large depression with few remains). The walk from the theater to the agora takes 20-30 minutes and is recommended.   Salamis was occupied from the Hellenistic period through the Byzantine period. The medieval city was relocated several kilometers south, in the heart of the modern city of Famagusta/Gazimağusa.   To Southern Cyprus   Online information about crossing the border was unclear to me. Here’s what I learned from my experience. I could have driven a rental car from one side to the other. However, it would not have been insured on the other side, so I would have been 100% responsible if anything happened. Therefore, I returned my rental car at Ercan, got a ride to Nicosia, and walked across the border at Ledra Palace Checkpoint  (the only border crossing that can be traveled on foot). It was a simple ten-minute walk through the UN-controlled buffer zone. As a US citizen, I did not need a visa.   On the Greek side of the Ledra checkpoint is the Cyprus History Museum , the island’s main archaeology museum. It was free to enter and took about one hour to view. The museum is organized chronologically, from the Neolithic period through the Roman/Byzantine period. The final room contained a wonderful pottery display based on various themes, including theater masks. I rented a car from Petsas . This was a good experience, though, with all the travel, it took an hour to get out of Nicosia. That evening, I drove 2.5 hours to Paphos and stayed at the Nereus Hotel .   Paphos   I spent the next day around Paphos. First, I spent two hours walking the Archaeological Site of Nea Paphos , the main section of Roman-era Paphos. It had a few elite residences with impressive mosaics. The so-called Villa of Theseus was the Roman governor’s palace. Most probably, Paul met with Sergius Paulus in the apsidal room on the south side of the open courtyard.  You can walk northward toward the Paphos Lighthouse. Below it are the odeon, agora, and Asklepion. From here, I walked directly east to exit the site and visit Agia Kyriaki Chrysopolitissa , the main church of Byzantine Paphos. It has an intriguing architectural history. The picture below shows its four different apses. Next, I drove 20 minutes south to the Archaeological Site of Palaepaphos  in the village of Kouklia. This was the original site of Paphos until the Hellenistic era. Its ancient sanctuary to Aphrodite remained popular even in Roman times. The Frankish medieval palace houses the best artifacts. The most notable were an inscribed loyalty pledge from the people of Paphos to Emperor Claudius (one of only six surviving) and the aniconic stone that probably functioned as the cult statue in the sanctuary. A 10-minute running video provides a helpful overview of the site. My third stop was the Monastery of St. Neophytos the Recluse . The 11th-century monk carved his own cell into the hillside. After his followers carved a chapel around the cell, more visitors came. Therefore, Neophytos carved a second cell (which he called “The New Zion”) directly above the church nave. The cave church still has its original 11th-century and 15th-century frescos. Most remarkably, St. Neophytos’ autobiography and several other theological works remain, so we know a lot about the monastery’s foundational period. The publication of the excavation is available at JSTOR : “The Hermitage of St. Neophytos and Its Wall Paintings” by Cyril Mango and Ernest J. W. Hawkins, Dumbarton Oaks Papers  (1966), pp. 119-206. The monastery remains active today. The modern facility contains about 40 monk rooms built around a central basilica and a museum with historical artifacts. To stay at the monastery for an evening, you can contact the monks through the website . Most people visit during the day for an hour or two. Near the parking lot is a pleasant café/coffee shop with affordable prices, so I planned my day to have lunch there.   My final stop was the Tombs of the Kings  back in Paphos. The large necropolis features underground, rock-cut tombs from the Iron and Hellenistic ages (8–3 centuries BCE). The larger tombs imitate the architecture of peristyle homes with an open courtyard. Like Neapaphos, this is a UNESCO World Heritage site and has a helpful mobile app. Perhaps because my historical interests are ancient Rome and early Christianity, I found this to be the least interesting stop of my day. The site is near the sea, so I enjoyed the sunset over the Mediterranean before departing.   The Southern Coast   Several cities line the southern coast of Cyprus. They link Salamis and Paphos, both by land and by sea.   Kourion was a Hellenistic and Roman city located on a bluff over the sea. Notable remains include second-century and fourth-century bath complexes (the later reconstructed by a Christian), a large basilica church with a bishop’s palace and baptismal chapel, and a villa with gladiator reliefs. The Sanctuary of Apollo  was a prominent and ancient religious shrine. Built along the main Roman road, the complex accommodated many ancient pilgrims. A series of five dining halls (mislabeled as dormitories) allowed worshippers to celebrate a ritual meal, eating their sacrificed meat in the god’s presence (picture below). The original round altar made from uncut stones in the 12th century BCE remains next to the restored Roman temple (second-century AD). Just east of the sanctuary along the road is a rare Hellenistic stadium. The archaeology museum for Kourion is a small house in the middle of Episkopi, the nearby town. One display features the skeletons of a young family—parents in their early 20s with their 18-month-old infant. They huddled together when an earthquake struck, and they died in that position when their house collapsed on them.   Located on the eastern part of modern Limassol, Amathous  was a coastal city built around a harbor. The natural inner harbor has silted in, and the artificial outer harbor is in ruins in the water. The lower site features a basic agora with no signage. If you climb the acropolis, the sea views are more impressive than the ruined Aphrodite Temple and Byzantine Church, which had no signage. I did not have time to visit Kition/Kittim , a site in Lacarna mentioned in the OT (Num 24:24; Dan 11:30; Jer 2:10; Ezek 27:6).   Roman Roads in Cyprus   In the first century, the main road across Cyprus ran along the southern coast. I had read and assumed that Paul and Barnabas traveled westward along the Roman road. After visiting several port cities along the southern coast and experiencing strong easterly winds, I wondered if sailing would have been preferable. However, Acts 13:6 says they “went through the entire island until Paphos.” This suggests they traveled by foot. Two resources explain the roads and routes of ancient Cyprus: David W.J. Gill, “Paul’s Travels through Cyprus (Acts 13:4-12),” TynBul  (1995) and Tonnes Becker-Nielson, The Roads of Ancient Cyprus (2004).   Modern Cyprus   Modern Cyprus has a complex history. Since 1974, the island, along with the capital city (Nicosia/Lefkoşa), has been divided between the Greek south (the EU country of Cyprus) and the Turkish north (the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus). Two books helped me understand the political situation. The Cyprus Problem: What Everyone Needs to Know (2011)   is a short, balanced overview by a UN diplomat, while The Cyprus Conspiracy: America, Espionage and the Turkish Invasion (2001) argues that America and Britain divided the island for their own security interests during the cold war.

Biblical Field Studies are funded study trips to biblical sites in Turkey for Bible scholars and teachers in the Majority World. The program is designed to equip Christian teachers and professors who work in the Majority World by introducing them to the geographical, historical, and social contexts of early Christianity. The 2025 trip (June 11–18, 2025) will visit the sites related to the Seven Churches of Revelation and the Seven Ecumenical Councils. The focus is on Church History into late-antiquity. Starting in Smyrna (modern Izmir), we visit Ephesus (and other churches of Revelation 2–3), spend a few days in Nicea (modern Iznik) to celebrate the 1700-year anniversary  of the First  Ecumenical Council (325 CE), then finish in Istanbul. To learn more and apply, visit https://www.biblicalturkey.org/biblicalfieldstudies .